List of Goods Produced by Child Labor or Forced Labor

There are reports that adults in China are forced to produce aluminum used in manufactured goods. Reports indicate that Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslim minorities from the XUAR are frequently subjected to forced labor in China through state-sponsored labor transfer programs. The Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC) is a government paramilitary organization in Xinjiang that runs labor transfer programs and owns aluminum companies. There is evidence that both XPCC and non-XPCC aluminum producers in Xinjiang have received hundreds of members of persecuted groups through labor transfer programs. Academic researchers, media, and think tanks report that companies and government entities frequently engage in coercive recruitment, limit workers’ freedom of movement and communication, and subjected workers to constant surveillance, exclusion from community and social life, physical violence, and threats to family members.

There are reports that children as young as age 10 are forced to work in the production of bamboo in Burma. According to the ILO and NGOs, forced child labor is pervasive, particularly in Karen, Shan, and Arakan States near military camps, with children constituting up to 40 percent of forced laborers being used for a variety of activities, including the production of bamboo. Some of these children are sent by their families to fulfill a mandate imposed by the military that requires each household in a village to undertake specified forced labor activities. Villagers, including children, are forced by local officials and the military to work cutting bamboo for the military camps. The forced child laborers are not paid for their work, and face physical violence or other punishment if they refuse to work. 

There are reports that children ages 15-17 work under conditions of forced labor in the production of beans in Burma. An NGO study documents children, as well as adults, forced by the military to work on rotation year round, planting and harvesting beans for the military camp. Local officials and the military enforce these work orders; the children cannot refuse to work, even if sick. 

There are reports that children are forced to harvest Brazil nuts in Bolivia. Forced child labor in the production of Brazil nuts is known to be found in the Amazon region in particular, and migrant workers are particularly vulnerable. According to international organizations, NGOs, and the U.S. Department of State, many children are forced to work, often with their families, under conditions of bonded labor. Often entire families, including children, are given an advance payment to work in the harvest, and then incur more debt during the harvest. The families are prohibited from leaving, even once the harvest is complete, until their debts are paid off. Sometimes identity papers and wages are withheld as a means to restrict freedom of movement. 

There are reports that children are forced by the military to work in the production of bricks in Burma. According to NGOs, forced child labor in brick production is pervasive, particularly in Northern Rakhine State and near military camps. In some cases, children are recruited into the military and forced to live in barracks and work for years in brick production; in other cases, children are sent by their families on rotation to fulfill the military's forced labor mandate for their household. The children are not paid for their work, and they face physical abuse and other punishments for refusing to work or for producing work that is considered of unacceptable quality. 

There are reports that children are forced to produce bricks in Cambodia. According to international researchers and NGOs, numerous incidents of forced child labor have been reported in Cambodia. Reports estimate over 9.3 percent of brick workers are children. However, with upwards of tens of thousands of workers employed at brick kilns and the casual nature of work in brick kilns, this number is likely higher. A cycle of multi-generational debt bondage is created when adults are unable to pay back the high interest charged on loans offered by brick kiln owners and are forced to pass along outstanding debts to their children. Children either inherit or are born into debt bondage and are threatened with arrest or are forced to pay additional debt if they try to leave the brick kiln without repaying their debts in full.

There are reports that children, ages 8-17, are forced to produce bricks in China, with concentrations in the Shanxi and Henan provinces. Victims are from provinces across China; some children are abducted or trafficked through coercion and sold to work in brick kilns. Information from media sources and a research study indicate that the children are forced to work without pay under threat of physical violence, held against their will, watched by guards, and denied sufficient food. 

There are reports of children working under conditions of forced labor to produce bricks in India's kilns. The most recently available information from a trade union report indicates that in the State of Haryana alone, as many as 40,000 children, many of them forced laborers, are working in brick kilns. Bonded labor in the brick industry is found across India, including in Punjab, Haryana, and Uttar Pradesh. The kilns use a system of bonded labor in which children often work alongside other members of their debt-bonded families. Some of these children are forced to work as a guarantee for loans to their parents. Families take an advance payment from recruiters and then are forced to work to pay off the debt; the debt rolls over from one year to the next, binding the worker in a cycle of debt bondage. Children in scheduled castes, a socially disadvantaged class in India, and of migrant families, are particularly vulnerable to forced labor. Some children are forced to work under threat of physical violence. Some children and their families are not paid regularly, do not receive the promised wages, and are prohibited from leaving the worksite. 

There are reports that children ages 6-17 and some younger than age 5 are working under conditions of forced labor to produce bricks in Nepal. According to available information from an NGO report, two-thirds of the children are male. Brick kilns are concentrated in the Kathmandu Valley and Terai, and operate seasonally between October and June. According to the most recently available NGO data, between 30,000 and 60,000 children work in Nepal's brick kilns, of which up to 39 percent are working as bonded labor. Migrant families, members of certain castes – a socially disadvantaged class in Nepal – and ethnic minorities, such as Dalit, Janajati, and Madeshi, are particularly vulnerable to bonded labor in brick kilns. Most of the children are from Nepal, however some are from West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh, India. Many families take advance loans from brick kiln employers or brokers with a commitment to produce a specified quantity of bricks, and become bonded laborers. Their children are bound by their parents' debt and work alongside their families making bricks. The bonded families live at the kiln worksites, without access to safe water or sanitation facilities, and are prohibited from leaving until the debts are paid in full. Some bonded children are forced to work 12 hours a day, and receive little, if any, payment after wage deductions to repay the family debt. Some children are penalized by their employers with verbal or physical abuse.

There are reports that children in Pakistan work under conditions of forced labor producing bricks. According to the most recently available data from the media, the ILO, and a university study, there are hundreds of thousands of these children across Pakistan. The brick industry uses a system of bonded labor under which children, from a very young age, often work alongside their debt-bonded families. Because the debts are sometimes inherited, many children are born into the bonded labor. Under the Pakistani “peshgis” bondage system, families are not free to leave the kiln, and are forced to produce quotas of 1,000 or more bricks per day under threat of physical violence or death. Brick workers, including children, are forced to work without masks, goggles, gloves, shoes, or other safety equipment.

There are reports that adults are forced to produce bricks in Russia. Both men and women are exploited for forced labor in informal brick factories in the Northern Caucasus region of Dagestan; however, victims are primarily male job-seekers recruited in Moscow. According to a local NGO and media reports, hundreds of individuals have been subjected to forced labor in brick factories. Recruiters in Moscow frequently drug and abduct victims who are then sold to brick factory owners in Dagestan. Other victims are recruited through deception regarding the location of work and the anticipated wages. Victims and a local NGO report that factories frequently withhold all wages, sometimes confiscate workers’ passports and cellphones, and sometimes use physical violence, especially when workers try to leave. 

There are reports that children are forced to produce carpets in Nepal. Children age 14 and older are found in registered carpet factories, while children younger than 14 are found in informal, unregistered carpet factories. Carpet factories are concentrated in the Kathmandu Valley. Some children work alone or with their families as bonded laborers in the factories. Most children do not receive payment for their work. Some children work to pay off advance payments for their labor made by the employer to the recruiter or their families. These children live in the factory or nearby in accommodations provided by the employer. The children are not free to leave until the debt has been repaid. Many of the children are forced to work long hours and overtime, up to 18 hours per day; many cannot leave the factory even after they have completed their long workday. Such children are punished by employers for refusing to work, missing production quotas, falling asleep, or making mistakes.

There are reports that children as young as age five are forced to work in the production of carpets, often through a system of bonded labor. Based on reports from the ILO and the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD), as many as half a million children have been producing carpets under conditions of forced labor throughout the country. Children of migrants, refugees, and impoverished families are particularly vulnerable to this practice. Typical of the Pakistani “peshgis” system, children are often sent to work to pay off their family's debt. Families accept a loan in the form of advanced payment for a year of their child's work, and the child is prohibited from leaving the workplace until the debt is paid in full. The children live in the workplace, away from their families, and do not have the freedom to leave. Some children are forced to work without equipment to protect them from exposure to toxic chemicals and dust. The children are paid little, and deductions are taken from their wages for food and shelter. Some children are fined or beaten for any mistakes.

There are reports that children ages 5 to 17 are involved in cattle-raising activities in Bolivia. Based on an analysis of Bolivia’s 2019 Survey of Girls, Boys, and Adolescents, an estimated 33,806 child laborers are involved in cattle raising. Herding, shepherding, and handling livestock are considered hazardous work for children. Injuries from animals include being bitten, butted, jostled, or stampeded, and diseases can be contracted through routine contact with animals and insects. The release of this survey demonstrates the Government of Bolivia’s commitment to addressing child labor and its acknowledgement that data collection is vital to the design and implementation of sound policies and programs.

There is evidence that children ages 5 to 17 raise cattle in Paraguay. National legislation designates cattle raising as a hazardous activity prohibited for children in Paraguay. In 2016, the Government of Paraguay published representative results from the Survey of Activities of Rural Area Children and Adolescents 2015. The survey considers a working child to be engaged in child labor if the child is below the minimum age for employment of 14 or the child is performing work that is hazardous according to national legislation. The survey estimates that 301,827 children ages 5 to 17 perform hazardous work in rural areas of Paraguay and indicates that children working in agriculture experience accidents and illnesses, including from using dangerous tools and handling chemicals. According to the survey, almost 13 percent of Paraguayan children engaged in child labor in agriculture do not attend school. The survey estimates that 142,127 child laborers raise cattle throughout rural areas in Paraguay. Approximately 67,141 child laborers raising cattle are below the minimum age for employment in Paraguay. The survey indicates that more boys than girls are engaged in child labor in cattle raising. The release of this survey demonstrates the Government of Paraguay’s commitment to addressing child labor and its acknowledgement that data collection is vital to the design and implementation of sound policies and programs. 

There are reports that children, especially boys, are abducted and forced to herd cattle in South Sudan. Hundreds of abductions have been reported, particularly in communities in Jonglei and Eastern Equatoria states. The children are abducted when rival tribes or ethnic groups enter communities to steal cattle, as well as during other inter-ethnic or inter-tribal disputes; some of these children are enslaved to herd cattle.

There are reports that adults are forced to produce caustic soda in China. Caustic soda has a wide variety of uses in industrial processes, including as an input to cleaning products and refining in mining activities. Research indicates that Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslim minorities from the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) are frequently subjected to forced labor as a result of state-sponsored labor transfer programs. Workers, often from poor rural areas, have been placed in factories in industrial areas within the XUAR, and have also been transferred to factories in other parts of China. China is the world’s largest producer of caustic soda, and approximately 16% of China’s production is based in Xinjiang. Caustic soda manufacturers work with the Chinese government to make use of ethnic minority groups for exploitative labor, often receiving financial incentives. Academic researchers, media, and think tanks report that companies and government entities frequently engage in coercive recruitment, limit workers’ freedom of movement and communication, and subjected workers to constant surveillance, religious retribution, exclusion from community and social life, physical violence, and threats to family members.

There are reports that men and women are forced to work in the production of chile peppers in Mexico. According to media reports, NGOs, and the U.S. Department of State, there are hundreds of forced labor victims working to produce chile peppers. Many of these victims report being recruited by middlemen, called enganchadores, that lie to workers about the nature and conditions of the work, wages, hours, and quality of living conditions. Sources report that cases of forced labor in chile peppers production predominantly occurs in small and medium holder farms and have been found in states such as Baja California, Chihuahua, Jalisco, and San Luis Potosi. According to available reports, indigenous farmworkers from impoverished regions of central and southern Mexico are particularly vulnerable to forced labor in the agricultural sector due to low education levels, linguistic barriers, and discrimination. Once on the farms, some men and women work up to 15 hours per day under the threat of dismissal and receive subminimum wage payments or no payment at all. There are reports of some workers being threatened with physical violence or physically abused for leaving their jobs. Workers also report finding themselves in overcrowded and unsanitary housing facilities with no access to potable water, latrines, electricity, and medical care. Some workers face growing indebtedness to company stores that often inflate the prices of their goods, forcing workers to purchase provisions on credit and limiting their ability to leave the farms. 

There are reports that children as young as age five are forced to work in coal mines in Balochistan, Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and the Northwest Frontier Province. Some of these children work as bonded labor; under this arrangement, which is typical of the Pakistani “peshgis” system, children work alongside, or in place of, other members of their indebted families. The children are forced to work without protective equipment. Their work involves blasting rocks with dynamite and digging to extract coal in deep narrow shafts below ground. The children are also forced to lead donkeys deep underground and lead them back out hauling the mined coal.

There are reports that adults are forced to work in the production of cobalt ore in some mines in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Conditions of forced labor are prevalent among workers who mine cobalt in the Copperbelt region, particularly in Haut-Katanga and Lualaba. Reports from CSOs, field research, and other sources indicate the existence of the following forced labor indicators in the cobalt industry: inability to refuse hazardous work, abusive overtime requirements, denial of rights or threats of dismissal, and withholding of wages or other promised benefits. Some cobalt workers are forced to work in improperly reinforced tunnels that are at risk of collapsing, with poor ventilation and little protective equipment. In addition, it is widely reported that cobalt workers can be vulnerable to forced labor due to the lack of alternative livelihoods, and there are reports that workers face threats of dismissal for complaining about labor conditions. Further, some cobalt workers have informal financial relationships with intermediaries or sponsors, and in some cases these dynamics create vulnerability to wage manipulation, debt bondage, or other abuses. The availability of this research demonstrates the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s commitment to addressing labor abuses in the production of cobalt.

There are reports that children in Colombia as young as 11 years old are forced to cultivate and pick coca, and to scrape coca leaves. The Government, NGOs, media, and the ILO indicate that some children are forcibly recruited by non-state armed groups, such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, the National Liberation Army, and criminal groups to pick coca. Others are forced by drug traffickers. Criminal and illegal armed groups use threats of torture or death to prevent children from attempting to escape. 

There are reports that children from within Côte d'Ivoire, as well as migrant children from Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali, Nigeria, and Togo, are working under conditions of forced labor on Ivoirian cocoa farms. Based on the most recently available estimate from Tulane University, over 4,000 children work in conditions of forced labor in the production of cocoa in Côte d'Ivoire. Some children are sold by their parents to traffickers, some are kidnapped, and others migrate willingly but fall victim to traffickers who sell them to recruiters or farmers, where they end up in conditions of bonded labor. Some farmers buy the children and refuse to let them leave the farm until the debt of their purchase has been worked off. The children are frequently not paid for their work; some of their wages are paid to the recruiter or trafficker. These children are held against their will on isolated farms, are locked in their living quarters at night, and are threatened and beaten if they attempt to escape. They are punished by their employers with physical abuse. They are forced to work long hours, including overtime, and are required to work even when they are sick. Some children are denied sufficient food by their traffickers and employers. Some children are forced to perform dangerous tasks, including carrying heavy loads, using machetes and sharp tools, and applying pesticides and fertilizers. 

There are reports that children are forced to produce cocoa in Nigeria. The ILO, media pieces, and an academic report indicate that children are trafficked across Nigeria and from Burkina Faso by intermediaries and recruiters to produce cocoa. Children from Cross River and Akwa Ibom states in southeastern Nigeria are particularly vulnerable. Some children are sold by their parents to recruiters. The recruiters are paid for their recruitment of the children; many children receive no pay for their work. Some children are forced to work long hours, including during the hottest hours of the day, leaving them at substantial risk for heat-related illness. The children are forced to perform dangerous tasks, such as using sharp tools, carrying heavy loads, and handling pesticides, without protective equipment.

There are reports that adults are forced to work in the production of coffee in Brazil.  According to media reports and NGOs, cases of forced labor within the coffee sector are a recurring problem.  A large number of these violations occur in the state of Minas Gerais, which is responsible for about 70 percent of the coffee produced in the country.  There are more than 100,000 coffee plantations in Minas Gerais, with an estimated 245,000 workers, most working informally, thus increasing the probability of their exploitation.  Sources indicate that forced labor in coffee is widespread in this state.  Intermediaries, called gatos, recruit workers from poorer neighboring states, and often lie about working conditions, wages, hours, and the quality of living conditions.  According to investigations, workers face up to 15-hour workdays, and often receive sub-minimum wage payments.  Reports also indicate that a number of workers face precarious and unsanitary housing accommodations with no access to potable water, and a lack of proper bathroom and cooking facilities.  Some workers report finding themselves in a debt spiral because they owe money to the plantation owners for food, their journey to the plantation, and even the equipment they must use during the harvest.  These debts incurred hinder the workers’ ability to leave the coffee plantations.  A number of workers also report fear of punishment for complaining about the poor conditions, or for speaking to outside sources about their work and living conditions.  Some workers have had their working papers or identity papers confiscated by their employer.

There are reports that children ages 14-17 and younger in Côte d'Ivoire are forced to work on coffee plantations. Based on a research study, thousands of children are involved in this type of labor. Some children are forcibly recruited, or recruited through deceptive means, and transported to coffee plantations in Côte d'Ivoire from nearby countries including Benin, Mali, Togo, and Burkina Faso. These children are sold to traffickers. Other children leave their home countries or communities voluntarily, but end up in situations where they are not paid and have no means to return home. Some children are forced to work for three or four years before receiving payment or returning home. Others are forced to work, even if sick, and prevented from leaving the plantations through threat of physical violence, withheld payments, or denial of food. 

There are reports that children ages 6-17 are forced to produce cotton in Benin. Cotton is grown primarily in the north, such as in Banikoara, and according to NGOs and international organizations, many of the children are trafficked or migrate to this area from other parts of the country, or from Burkina Faso or Togo. Some children are lured by traffickers with false promises about working conditions or terms. Some children work on year-long contracts and are not allowed to leave until the end of the year. They are paid only at the end of the contract, once the cotton is sold, but most children report that they do not receive their full payment, and some are not paid at all. Children usually live with their employer, and do not receive sufficient food. 

There are reports of children ages 10-17 producing cotton under conditions of forced labor in Burkina Faso. According to an NGO report containing the most recently available data on the eastern region of the country, it is estimated that as many as 50 percent of all boys aged 10 and above migrate or are trafficked to work for a year; most work on cotton farms in Tapoa or Kompienga. Children are also trafficked from around the country to work on cotton farms in Houet and Tuy provinces. Some children are forced to sow, weed, and harvest the cotton in hazardous conditions; some work under threats of abuse or withholding of payment. They usually live with their employer, and do not receive sufficient food. These children are lured by recruiters or traffickers with false promises of payment or gifts such as a bicycle. The children work on 12 or 17 month contracts and are prohibited from leaving to return home until the end of the contract. They are paid only when the cotton is sold and they have completed their contract, but most report that they do not receive their full payment, and some receive no payment at all. 

There are reports that children are forced to pick cotton in China. Reports from an NGO and the U.S. Government indicate that children in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region and in Gansu province are mobilized through schools and required by provincial regulations to work during the autumn harvest. According to the most recently available estimates, between 40,000 and 1 million students are mobilized annually for the harvest, beginning as early as the third grade. Most children are paid little if at all, after deductions for meals, transportation, and payments to the school. These students are required to pick daily quotas of cotton or pay fines, and performance in the cotton harvest is assessed for the students' promotion to higher grade levels. 

There are reports that children ages 14-17 and some as young as 7 are forced to work during the annual cotton harvest in Tajikistan. Monitoring teams discover multiple cases of compulsory mobilization across several districts of the country each year. In these cases, school officials mobilize classes to work in the harvest and teachers supervise them in the fields. Some children receive threats regarding exams, grades, and even expulsion from school for refusal to work. The children are typically sent to the fields after class hours. Farmers negotiate directly with the schools to mobilize the students to work, and the schools may keep some or all of the children's wages. Some of the children are required to pick a quota of 66 pounds of cotton daily. 

There are reports that children, especially girls ages 6-14, are forced to produce hybrid cottonseed in India. Cottonseed production, and cottonseed farms with bonded child laborers, are reported to be concentrated in the state of Andhra Pradesh. According to NGO reports, between 400,000 and 450,000 children are working in the production of hybrid cottonseed, many working as forced or bonded labor. Some of these children are bonded to their employer, forced to work to pay off the debt of advanced payments made to their parents. Some children are forced to work with toxic pesticides. 

There are reports that children, mostly boys ages 5-17, are forced to mine for diamonds in Sierra Leone. Diamond mines are concentrated in Koidu, Kenema, and Kono districts in the Eastern Province. Some children are trafficked from rural areas to work in diamond mines, or are sent by their families; these children are often recruited under deceptive terms. The children are forced to work, without pay, in hazardous conditions underground in the mines for excessively long hours. Some children are not provided with sufficient food. In addition, some children of artisanal, independent, small-scale diamond miners work with their families as indentured servants, in debt to diamond dealers.

There are reports that children, mostly boys between the ages of 5-17, are forced to work in the production of dried fish in Bangladesh. According to the most recently available government data, close to 1,900 children, or about 24 percent of children working in the dried fish industry, are working under conditions of force. This forced child labor is found in the coastal districts of Borguna, Patuakhali, Chittagong, and Cox's Bazar of the Bay of Bengal, with the highest proportion of children in forced labor working in Bagherhat. According to the Government's data, some of the children work as bonded labor, often in exchange for advanced payments that have been made to their parents. These children are not free to leave the workplace, and some are not allowed any contact with their family. Some children are also forced to work under threat of physical violence and wage deductions. 

There are reports that children ages 13-15 are forced to produce electronics in China. Based on the most recently available data from media sources, government raids, and NGOs, hundreds of cases of forced child labor have been reported in factories in Guangdong province, but the children are often from Henan, Shanxi, or Sichuan provinces. In some cases, children are forced to work in electronics factories through arrangements between the factories and the schools that the children attend in order to cover alleged tuition debts. The forced labor programs are described as student apprenticeships; however, the children report that they were forced to remain on the job and not allowed to return home. Half of the students' wages are sent directly to the schools, and the children receive little compensation after deductions are made for food and accommodations. In other cases, children are abducted or deceived by recruiters, sent to Guangdong, and sold to employers. Some children are held captive, forced to work long hours for little pay. 

There are reports of children, many between the ages of 8-14, producing embellished textiles under conditions of forced labor in India. Some children work under a system of debt bondage. Most factories that produce zari, a type of embroidery, are concentrated in Mumbai and Delhi, but many children are trafficked from other locations such as Bihar. According to government raids and an NGO report, between 125,000 and 210,000 children are working in Delhi embroidery workshops, and approximately 100,000 are working in zari embroidery and other textile embellishment workshops in Mumbai and elsewhere. Some children are forced to work under threat of physical violence. Some work long hours including overtime and do not receive payment for their work. 

There are reports that children, mostly boys ages 7-17, are forced to produce embellished textiles in Nepal. The factories are spread across the Kathmandu Valley and are concentrated in Thankot. The child workers are mainly recruited from Sarlahi, Mohattari, and Dhanusha Districts. Based on a research report, close to 7,500 children are working under forced labor conditions in the sector. Factory owners often recruit certain boys to work on one- or two-year contracts, paying an advance to their parents for the boys' labor. The boys are forced to work long hours without pay. At the end of the contract, the factory owner offers another advance payment to the parents, and the boys then return to work for the factory. During the subsequent contract, the children receive little or no wages after the initial advance payment as wages are deducted to repay the advance, and accommodation and food expenses are also deducted. These children live at the worksite, and the factories are often locked, preventing the children from leaving.

There are reports that adults are forced to work in the fishing industry in Burma. Reports from NGOs, researchers, and media organizations indicate that adults in the Ayeyarwady Delta region of southern Burma are coerced onto fishing rafts, where they are forced to remain for most of the year. The majority of the roughly 40,000 people employed in the raft fishing industry are in forced labor. Workers often face excessive, unpaid overtime, physical and verbal violence by supervisors, physical confinement on the rafts, inflated debts, and a lack of adequate food and drinking water. Some sources report cases in which workers are coerced by labor brokers into drinking alcohol to the point of intoxication; labor brokers then put workers on rafts while they are unable to refuse.

There are reports that adults are forced to work in the production of fish on China’s distant-water fishing fleet.  China’s fleet is the largest in the world, with an estimated 3,000 fishing vessels, and contains a wide variety of vessels, from longliners to purse seiners, operating on the high seas and in foreign countries’ exclusive economic zones in every region of the world.  The majority of the crew on board are migrant workers from Indonesia and the Philippines, who are particularly vulnerable to forced labor.  It is estimated that there are tens of thousands of workers who are sometimes recruited by agencies that deceive workers with false information regarding their wages and the terms of the contracts, and require the workers to pay recruitment fees and sign debt contracts.  According to various sources, numerous incidents of forced labor have been reported on Chinese fishing vessels.  While on board the vessels, workers’ identity documents are often confiscated, the crew spends months at sea without stopping at a port of call, and they are forced to work 18 to 22 hours a day with little rest.  Workers face hunger and dehydration, live in degrading and unhygienic conditions, are subjected to physical violence and verbal abuse, are prevented from leaving the vessel or ending their contracts, and are frequently not paid their promised wages.

There are reports that children ages 5-17 in Ghana are forced to work in the fishing industry, assisting primarily in the catching of tilapia, but also of such fish as mudfish, silverfish, catfish, latefish, and electric fish. According to the most recently available data from universities, NGOs, government raids, and international organizations, hundreds of children in the Lake Volta region have been rescued from the fishing industry, in which they were forced to undertake such tasks as diving to untangle fishing nets from underwater tree stumps. Children are often trafficked from the Volta, Central, Eastern, or Ashanti regions to Tato and other Lake Volta communities to work. Some of the children forced to work in the fishing industry are working in bonded labor after being sold or sent by their parents under a one- to three-year contract, for which the parents are promised payment on agreed-upon intervals. The children frequently are paid little, if at all, and are forced to work long hours. The children forced to work in the fishing industry often live with their employers, where they face physical violence and are not provided with sufficient food. 

There are reports that adults, predominantly men, are forced to work in the fishing industry in Indonesia. Forced labor often occurs on fishing vessels operating in Indonesian territorial waters, especially around the remote island ports of Benjina and Ambon. The majority of exploited fishermen are Cambodian, Lao, and Burmese nationals. Since March 2015, the International Organization for Migration, in collaboration with the Indonesian Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries, has identified approximately 1,500 new labor trafficking cases in the Indonesian fishing industry, with media sources reporting the rescue of more than 2,000 trafficked fishermen during 2015. Victims report being coerced or tricked in their home countries into working on Thai fishing vessels by brokers who promise jobs in other sectors, and then being held in forced labor for up to 10 years. Often fishermen are locked in cells to prevent their escape. Some men have been forced to fish for 20 to 22 hours a day, with little or no pay, and have been subjected to threats and severe physical abuse while at sea. 

There are reports that adults are forced to work in the production of fish on Taiwan’s distant-water fishing fleet.  Taiwan’s fleet is the second largest in the world, with more than 1,100 fishing vessels, comprising approximately 36 percent of the world’s tuna longliner fleet, and operating on the high seas and in the exclusive economic zones of more than 30 countries.  An estimated 35,000 migrant workers are employed by the fleet.  The majority of these workers are recruited overseas, mostly from Indonesia and the Philippines, by agencies that sometimes deceive workers with false information regarding their wages and the terms of the contracts, and require the workers to pay recruitment fees and sign debt contracts.  According to various sources, numerous incidents of forced labor have been reported on Taiwan-flagged fishing vessels.  While on board the vessels, workers’ identity documents are often confiscated, and the crew spends months at sea without stopping at a port of call, and they are forced to work 18 to 22 hours a day with little rest.  Workers face hunger and dehydration, live in degrading and unhygienic conditions, are subjected to physical violence and verbal abuse, are prevented from leaving the vessel or ending their contracts, and are frequently not paid their promised wages or have food and lodging fees illegally deducted from their wages.

There are reports that political prisoners in Belarus are forced to produce furniture. The Belarusian state penal system includes 20 state-owned woodworking enterprises employing approximately 8,000 prisoners, including hundreds of political prisoners. These enterprises use forced labor from political prisoners to produce various furniture parts and finished furniture. Political prisoners include human rights defenders, journalists, lawyers, opposition politicians, artists, writers, trade unionists, and activists, imprisoned for expression of political views and peaceful assemblies against the government’s regime and repression. Political prisoners are singled out in the prisons by wearing yellow bibs, treated more harshly than regular prisoners, work long hours without a day off, and work under hazardous conditions that often result in injuries. Refusal to work is often punished with solitary confinement and sometimes with torture, as well as deprivation of food, water,or sleep.

There are reports that children from Bolivia are forced to produce garments in informal workshops in the city of Buenos Aires and its surrounding municipalities. According to media outlets, NGOs, and government officials, some children from Bolivia are victims of deceptive recruitment and trafficking with false promises of decent working conditions and fair wages. Once in Argentina, these children have restricted freedom of movement, their identity documents are confiscated, they live and work within locked factories, and they are too fearful to leave due to threats of imprisonment. Some end up in conditions of bonded labor, in debt for fees that were charged for transport to Argentina, and are prohibited from leaving their workplaces for years until the debt is paid through wage deductions. These children suffer physical and verbal abuse from their employers, and are only given one meal per day. Some children are forced to work excessive hours, up to 20 hours per day.

There are reports that adults are working under forced labor conditions to produce garments in Bangladesh. Multiple surveys have reported that workers in the Ready-Made Garment (RMG) industry are subjected to excessive working hours beyond what is legally allowed, forced overtime, and withholding compensation. Furthermore, workers are subjected to physical and verbal abuse for not meeting targets. Women are often victims of physical and sexual abuse, including as punishment for not meeting targets.

There is evidence that adults, primarily women, are forced to work in garment factories in Burma, particularly in the city of Yangon. Reports from NGOs and media organizations suggest that forced labor is widespread in the garment sector, which employs an estimated 500,000 workers. Workers engaged in garment production are forced to work unpaid overtime and are threatened with financial penalties or dismissal if they refuse to work overtime without pay. Sources report that upwards of 80,000 workers have been forced to work unpaid overtime since the military coup in 2021. Workers reported physical violence and verbal harassment by supervisors.

ILAB has reason to believe that cotton thread/yarn, cotton textiles, and cotton garments produced in China are made with an input produced with forced labor—specifically cotton harvested in China. Cotton from China is on ILAB’s List of Goods Produced by Child Labor or Forced Labor for forced labor, child labor, and forced child labor. About 85% of China’s cotton and 20% of the world’s cotton is produced in the XUAR, where research has shown it is harvested and processed under conditions of forced labor. In China, this cotton is spun into cotton thread/yarn and textiles and may be mixed with cotton from other sources. Manufacturers in China source large volumes of cotton fabrics containing Xinjiang origin cotton to produce finished garments. It is likely that products of Xinjiang-origin cotton produced further downstream, such as garments, textiles, and other cotton-based products, may be produced with an input produced with forced labor.

There are reports that children, most between the ages of 8-17, are forced to produce garments in India. Based on the most recently available data from NGOs, up to 100,000 children throughout the country are being forced to produce garments. Recent reports suggest that forced child labor has shifted from factories to home-based production and from urban to suburban areas, particularly in southern India. Dalit and scheduled caste children, a socially disadvantaged class in India, are particularly vulnerable to forced labor in this industry. Many children are trafficked into garment production, recruited under deceptive terms, moved between employers without consent, and paid little or nothing for their work. Some children, as young as age five, are recruited for work through an advance payment to their parents, creating a situation of debt bondage which the child must work to repay. The children are isolated, often live at the worksite, and face restricted freedom of movement. Some children are exposed to dye and toxic chemicals without protective equipment; and some are forced to work overtime, even when they are sick. Some children are punished and threatened with verbal and physical abuse, financial penalty, and some are routinely deprived of food, water, and sleep. The children are forced to perform tasks including stitching, dyeing, cutting, sewing buttons, and embellishing garments. 

There is evidence that migrant workers in Mauritius are exploited under forced labor conditions in the garment sector. Workers are charged unlawful recruitment fees, causing them to go into debt to repay recruiters. Workers are deceived about employment conditions, such as being told that employers would provide food and accommodation, only to find that fees for these were deducted from their wages and their passports were withheld. Some workers live in employers’ substandard accommodations which may be overcrowded, improperly ventilated, and include insect infestations. Reports indicate that workers may not be free to leave their workplace or accommodation and may be induced to work mandatory overtime. Employers have been known to intimidate or use deportation threats against workers who question their pay, make formal complaints, or speak with auditors about these conditions.

There are reports that mostly girls as young as 11 are forced to produce garments in Thailand. Migrant children from Laos and Burma are particularly vulnerable. The ILO, media, trade unions, government raids, and NGOs report forced child labor in garment factories in Bangkok and along the Burma border in Mae Sai and Mae Sot. Many children live at the worksite, and their freedom of movement is sometimes restricted through confiscation of identity documents and threats of arrest. Children are often forced to work long hours and overtime, and are paid little, if at all. Some are not provided sufficient food and are physically abused. Mistakes made during the course of work are sometimes penalized with wage deductions.

There are reports of glove factories forcibly training and employing 1,500 to 2,000 ethnic minority adult workers with the government’s support.  Victim testimonies, news media, and think tanks report that factories, including for gloves, frequently engage in coercive recruitment; limit workers’ freedom of movement and communication; and subject workers to constant surveillance, retribution for religious beliefs, exclusion from community and social life, and isolation.  Further, reports indicate little pay, mandatory Mandarin lessons, ideological indoctrination, and poor living conditions. In some instances, workers have been reported to be subject to torture.  More broadly, according to varied estimates, at least 100,000 to hundreds of thousands of Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslim minorities are being subjected to forced labor in China following detention in re-education camps.  In addition to this, poor workers in rural areas may also experience coercion without detention.  Workers are either placed at factories within the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, where the camps are located, or transferred out of Xinjiang to factories in eastern China.

There are reports that children are forced to mine gold in the Sahel region of Burkina Faso. According to a report by the ILO containing the most recently available data, in the combined Sahel regions of Burkina Faso and Niger, up to 30-50 percent of the gold mine workforce is comprised of children; most are under the age of 15, and some work under conditions of forced labor. Some children from around the country are trafficked to mines in the country's Ioba, Oudalan, Passore, and Sissili provinces. These children work in small informal mines that are located in remote rural areas and mostly operate on a seasonal basis. The children, beginning between ages 12 and 14, are forced to work in hazardous conditions digging, breaking rocks, transporting, washing, and pounding the gold, including work underground in narrow shafts. These children receive little or no payment, with many receiving wage deductions for lodging and food expenses. 

There are reports that adults are forced to work in gold mining in Chad. Migrants, mainly men, travel from southern and eastern Chad as well as from neighboring countries to the northern goldmining areas in Tibesti in search of economic opportunity. However, research indicates that many job-seekers are exploited by human smugglers who serve as recruiters for the northern gold mines, with deceptive promises regarding their employment arrangements and the wages they will earn. Workers frequently travel on credit and then must work to pay off their debt, which doubles when it is bought by the mine owners. Victims report withholding of pay and sale of their debt without their consent from one site boss to another. While the Chadian government has banned weapons at the handful of sites it controls, many other sites remain outside the reach of its security forces and are controlled by armed groups, where workers labor and live under constant threat of violence. Workers report experiencing abusive working conditions and physical violence, especially if they fail to find enough gold or attempt to leave. Some are induced to use narcotics such as tramadol to improve their performance. Reporting from an intergovernmental organization documented over 200 workers—out of a sample of 554—who had been subjected to indicators of forced labor in the northern gold mines; with an estimated mining population of between 20,000 and 40,000 workers in the area, this in conjunction with other evidence suggests conditions of forced labor are prevalent in gold mining in Chad.

There are reports that children ages 10-16 are forced to work in the production of gold in some mines in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Based on the most recently available NGO evidence, thousands of children are working in conditions of forced labor in the mines in Eastern Congo, particularly in North and South Kivu. Some children are forced to work at the mines with their families in situations of bonded labor, while other children are sent away to the mines by their parents to pay off the family's debt. Child miners are paid little if at all. Many mines are controlled by military officers or armed groups which force children to work. Some children are abducted to work in the mines. 

There are reports that children as young as 9 years old work in the gold mines of Venezuela. Most of the gold mining in this sector takes place in a region in the south of the country known as the Orinoco Mining Arc. Due to their low weight and small build, children are often utilized in the extraction of the mineral from a network of small, unsupported caves. Children are also tasked with lowering people into the mines, and operating machinery such as electric hammers and gas extractors. These children work long hours, ranging from 10 to 15 hours a day, in dangerous conditions. Children working in this sector do so without access to toilets, safety equipment, first aid, ventilation, or adequate hydration. They run the risk of mining accidents, contracting malaria or mercury poisoning, or being victims of gang violence. Many mines in the region are run by gangs called sindicatos, and increasingly by armed groups such as FARC and ELN. These groups levy taxes and exercise strict control over these mining communities, often under threat of violence. Reports indicate that sometimes children are victims of shootouts between gangs, armed groups, and government forces vying for control of certain mining operations.

There are reports that children, mostly boys ages 4-17, are forced to quarry granite in Nigeria. Some children are abducted and trafficked from within Nigeria and from Benin to work in granite quarries and mines in the Federal Capital Territory, as well as the states of Ebonyi, Enugu, Ogun, Oyo, and Osun. Reports from the United Nations (UN) and media indicate that between 5,000 and 6,000 children from Benin alone were forced to work in the granite quarries; multiple government rescue operations identified between 50 and 200 children engaged in this work at a time. The children are forced to work up to 16 hours a day, even when they are sick. Many are forced to work under threat of physical violence. Children are often forced to sleep outside and are denied food. Reports indicate that children frequently die while working, having been forced to work under extreme conditions.

There are reports that children, mostly boys as young as age four, are forced to excavate and process gravel in Nigeria. According to reports from the media and government raids, 5,000 children from Nigeria and Benin are working in forced gravel production in Nigeria. The children are trafficked from Benin and forced to work, on average for a total of six years, in gravel pits in the Ogun, Osun, and Oyo states. An NGO study revealed that hundreds of children had been trafficked from Zou province in Benin to work in gravel production; other reports have found that hundreds of children have been rescued from this forced labor and returned to other areas in Benin. These children are forced to work excessive hours and to sleep in the bush near the pits. They are threatened with physical violence and tortured by the work gang leaders, particularly if they fail to meet their daily work quotas. The children are forced to work under extreme, sometimes fatal, conditions.

There are reports that thousands of adult ethnic minority workers are forcibly employed in factories producing hair products such as wigs.  China produces more than 80 percent of the global market’s products made from hair and is the world’s largest exporter of these products.  Victim testimonies, news media, and think tanks report that factories, including for hair products, frequently engage in coercive recruitment; limit workers’ freedom of movement and communication; and subject workers to constant surveillance, retribution for religious beliefs, exclusion from community and social life, and isolation.  Further, workers in these factories can be subject to regular government propaganda, extremely long hours, and little to no pay.  More broadly, according to varied estimates, at least 100,000 to hundreds of thousands of Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslim minorities are being subjected to forced labor in China following detention in re-education camps.  In addition to this, poor workers in rural areas may also experience coercion without detention.  Workers can be placed at factories within the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, where the camps are located, or be transferred out of Xinjiang to factories in eastern China.

There are reports that adults are forced to produce jujubes in China. Research indicates that Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslim minorities are subjected to forced labor in jujube harvesting and processing while being held as prisoners and as a result of state-sponsored labor transfer programs. China is the world’s largest producer of jujubes, and more than 50% of production takes place in Xinjiang. Jujube producers work with the Chinese government to make use of ethnic minority groups for exploitative labor, often receiving financial incentives. Academic researchers, media, and think tanks report that companies and government entities frequently engage in coercive recruitment, limit workers’ freedom of movement and communication, and subjected workers to constant surveillance, exclusion from community and social life, physical violence, and threats to family members.

There are reports that political prisoners in Belarus are forced to produce lumber. The Belarusian state penal system includes 20 state-owned woodworking enterprises employing approximately 8,000 prisoners, including hundreds of political prisoners. These enterprises use forced labor from political prisoners to produce various lumber goods such as laminated chipboard, planks, plywood parts, sawn wood, and pallets. Political prisoners include human rights defenders, journalists, lawyers, opposition politicians, artists, writers, trade unionists, and activists, imprisoned for expression of political views and peaceful assemblies against the government’s regime and repression. Political prisoners are singled out in the prisons by wearing yellow bibs, treated more harshly than regular prisoners, work long hours without a day off, and work under hazardous conditions that often result in injuries. Refusal to work is often punished with solitary confinement and sometimes with torture, as well as deprivation of food, water, or sleep.

There are reports that adults are forced to produce metallurgical-grade silicon in China. Research indicates that Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslim minorities are subjected to forced labor as a result of state-sponsored labor transfer programs. Metallurgical-grade silicon manufacturers in Xinjiang receive members of persecuted groups through government-sponsored labor transfer programs. Academic researchers, media, and think tanks report that companies and government entities frequently engage in coercive recruitment, limit workers’ freedom of movement and communication, and subjected workers to constant surveillance, exclusion from community and social life, physical violence, and threats to family members.

There are multiple reports that adults are forced to work in the production of nickel in Indonesia. Indonesia has the world’s largest nickel reserves, with approximately 23.7% of the world’s known deposits. Large industrial parks are built as part of the Government of China’s Belt and Road Initiative to process nickel ore in Central and Southeast Sulawesi. Chinese companies have a majority ownership of these parks. The industrial parks employ an estimated 6,000 Chinese migrant workers in various capacities. According to NGO reports, workers are often deceptively recruited in China. After they arrive in Indonesia, many workers receive a lower wage than promised along with longer work hours. Workers regularly have passports confiscated by employers and experience arbitrary deduction of wages, as well as physical and verbal violence as means of punishment. Other indicators of forced labor in the parks include restriction of movement, isolation, constant surveillance, and forced overtime; all of which are reportedly common practices in the production of nickel in the industrial parks.

There are reports that adult workers are forced to work in the production of palm oil in Indonesia.  The palm oil industry is labor-intensive and employs between 3.7 million and 8 million workers.  According to local media and NGO reports, thousands of individuals have been subjected to forced labor in the production of palm oil.  Many of the workers on palm oil plantations are internal migrants within Indonesia, some of whom had to pay high recruitment fees leading to debt.  It is widely reported that palm oil harvesters’ daily targets, which are set by companies, are unachievable within a 7-hour workday, compelling workers to work several hours beyond what the law permits without overtime pay because they fear steep deductions in wages if they do not meet their targets.  Individuals work in remote, isolated plantations with limited freedom of movement and communication.  Victims and local NGOs report that some workers who live on the plantation experience degrading living conditions, with no access to clean water or latrines.  Some workers who work with hazardous pesticides and fertilizers are not provided with personal protective equipment, and they experience health problems and increased risks of injury from exposure to dangerous chemicals.

There are reports that adults are forced to produce polysilicon for solar panels in China. According to estimates, over one hundred thousand Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslim minorities are being subjected to forced labor in China following detention in re-education camps, in addition to workers who may also experience coercion without detention. Workers, often from poor rural areas, have been placed at factories in industrial areas within the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, where the camps are located, or have been transferred out of Xinjiang to factories in other parts of China. China is the world’s largest producer of solar-grade polysilicon, and over 50 percent of the country’s production takes place in Xinjiang. Researchers note that Xinjiang is undergoing an expansion of the energy sector, including solar energy and polysilicon, and thousands of Uyghur workers have reportedly been transferred to work sites over the last five years. The polysilicon manufacturers work with the Chinese government to make use of ethnic minority groups for exploitative labor, often receiving financial incentives. Victim testimonies, news media, and think tanks report that factories frequently engage in coercive recruitment; limit workers’ freedom of movement and communication; subject workers to constant surveillance, religious retribution, physical violence, exclusion from community and social life; and threaten family members.

There are reports that adults in China are forced to produce polyvinyl chloride (PVC), a plastic used in a wide range of applications such as flooring, construction materials, pipes, and vinyl siding. Reports indicate that Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslim minorities from the XUAR are frequently subjected to forced labor in China as the result of state-sponsored labor transfer programs. Workers, often from poor rural areas, have been involuntarily placed in factories in industrial areas within Xinjiang or transferred out of Xinjiang to factories in other Chinese provinces. One state-owned PVC manufacturer, which runs a 3-month long ideological and vocational training “school” and participates in government surveillance of Uyghur households, has transferred more than 5,000 members of persecuted minority groups to its facilities. Labor transfers of this kind are undertaken involuntarily in the broader context of constant surveillance and genocide and under menace of penalty, including explicit and implicit threats of detention and internment and threats to family members.

There are reports that children are forced to engage in pornography in Russia. According to reports from NGOs, tens of thousands of children were exploited in the production of pornography, and evidence suggests that many of them were forced to do so. The production of child pornography is concentrated in big cities, particularly in St. Petersburg and Moscow. Street children in both cities are particularly vulnerable to exploitation in this industry. Some children are trafficked internally and from the former Soviet republics to engage in pornography in Russia. These children are often subject to various forms of physical abuse while they are exploited in this form of forced labor.

There are reports that children as young as age nine are forced to work in the production of rice in Burma. According to NGOs, villagers, including children, are forced to work planting and harvesting rice for the military camps. These children are forced to work on rotation year-round for the military, although most rice paddy cultivation occurs during the rainy season. Local officials and the military enforce the work orders, and workers cannot refuse to work, even if sick. The forced child laborers are not paid for their work, and the children are beaten if their work is considered to be of unacceptable quality. 

There are reports of children working under conditions of forced labor in rice mills in India, particularly in Tamil Nadu. These children are forced to work producing rice through a system of bonded labor, often working with their families. Children of the lower castes, socially disadvantaged classes in India, are particularly vulnerable. According to an ILO study, over 1,000 families work in bonded labor in rice mills in one district of Tamil Nadu. Families take an advance payment from recruiters and then are forced to work to pay off the debt. Some children face harassment and restrictions on their movement from mill personnel. 

There are reports that children are forced to work cultivating rice in Mali, particularly along the Niger River and in the Segou region. According to a university study and the ILO, some children are trafficked in groups of 25 to 50, and an estimated 2,000 children have been forced to work in rice fields in Mali. Some children are known to be recruited from villages in other parts of Mali to cultivate rice in Niono. Boys are also trafficked from Burkina Faso to produce rice in Mali. Some boys ages 10-15 from Burkina Faso and Mali are sent to work in rice fields by their Koranic teachers at religious schools. Organized trafficking rings link the farmers with the teachers and the children. These boys receive no pay for their work; the farmers pay the teachers and the recruiters for the boys' labor. 

There are reports that children as young as age nine are forced to work in the production of rubber in Burma. According to reports by NGOs, villagers, including children, are forced to work cultivating rubber plants in nurseries and on plantations for the military camps. Local officials and the military enforce the work orders. The forced child laborers are not paid for their work, and endure physical violence or other punishment if they refuse to work. 

There are reports that adults are forced to produce rubber gloves in Malaysia.  Forced labor predominately occurs among migrant laborers from Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, and Nepal working in more than 100 rubber glove factories throughout Malaysia.  Reports indicate that there are an estimated 42,500 migrant workers employed in the Malaysian rubber glove industry.  Workers are frequently subject to high recruitment fees to secure employment that often keeps them in debt bondage; forced to work overtime in excess of the time allowed by Malaysian law; and work in factories where temperatures can reach dangerous levels.  Additionally, laborers work under the threat of penalties, which include the withholding of wages, restricted movement, and the withholding of their identification documents.

There are reports that children ages 6 to 17 produce sandstone in India.  In Rajasthan, which produces 90 percent of India’s sandstone, boys and girls as young as age 6 or 7 work chiseling sandstone cobblestones, and boys ages 13 to 17 quarry sandstone.  Children from migrant families or children belonging to scheduled castes, a socially disadvantaged group in India, are particularly vulnerable to child labor in producing sandstone.  Based on estimates from international organizations, NGOs, and academic researchers, thousands of children work in Rajasthan’s sandstone quarries.  Children working in the quarries are rarely given protective equipment such as goggles or masks, and are exposed to hazards including severe injury from stone chips; hearing loss from drilling and blasting noise; extreme heat; and inhalation of silica dust, which can lead to chronic lung disease and death.  Some children also work at night or operate dangerous equipment.

There are reports that adult workers are forced to work in the production of sandstone in India.  Migrant workers and individuals from scheduled castes, a socially disadvantaged group in India, are especially vulnerable to forced labor in sandstone quarries.  According to international organizations, NGOs, and academic researchers, incidents of forced labor and debt bondage are widespread in sandstone quarries in Rajasthan, which is the source of 90 percent of India’s sandstone.  Migrant and marginalized workers are lured to the quarries with the promise of well-paying jobs, only to work in dangerous conditions for pay at a daily or per piece rate that is too low to manage basic expenses.  Sandstone quarry workers are highly vulnerable to silicosis, a fatal lung disease caused by breathing the dust produced by drilling or breaking quartz-rich rocks.  In many cases, quarry owners give workers advances and loans to pay for growing household and medical expenses related to silicosis.  Quarry owners withhold workers’ wages as repayment for this debt, which in turn continuously accumulates due to compound interest and additional expenses.  Employers record attendance informally and rarely issue written accounts of debt owed, enabling quarry owners to deduct money from the workers’ wages and inflate debts.  When an indebted worker grows too ill to work or dies, this debt is transferred to his or her family, who must forfeit property or themselves labor in the quarry to pay off the debt.

There are reports that farm-raised shrimp in India is produced using the forced labor of adults. Peeling sheds and processing plants, concentrated in Andhra Pradesh, employ internal migrant workers, often from marginalized social castes, for processing and packaging of farmed shrimp. Peeling sheds, where many of the worst working conditions are reported, mostly employ women. Third party labor contractors recruit workers from marginalized communities and charge exorbitant job placement fees. Unable to pay what can at times be the equivalent of a full month’s wages, many workers take a loan, often from the labor contractor, and cannot leave the job until the debt is paid off, resulting in debt bondage. Workers often reside at or near the worksite in employer-provided housing—typically in a remote location—and severe security measures including lock-ins and surveillance prevent workers from freely leaving the premises. This situation creates multiple dependencies on the employer to meet basic needs such as food, shelter, personal hygiene, and access to market goods. Work to process shrimp involves exposure to chemicals, extreme cold, standing for long hours, and high risk of injury, sometimes without proper personal protective equipment. Verbal and physical abuse, including sexual harassment and abuse, are reportedly prevalent. Reports indicate housing facilities are commonly overcrowded, dirty, and poorly maintained. There are reports of excessive overtime beyond legal limits, often unpaid. Internal migrant workers—who are usually far from their families and homes with few or no job opportunities outside of shrimp processing— often face intimidation and threats of termination by labor contractors, supervisors, and security guards if they fail to comply with restrictive and exploitative labor policies. There are reports of workers not receiving the legally required minimum wage and of working without receiving their pay for up to 2 years. There are multiple reports of workers laboring for months with few or no days off.

There are reports that adults are forced to cultivate silk cocoons in Uzbekistan. A silk cocoon is the protective casing a silkworm spins around itself before metamorphosing into a moth. Silk cocoons can be processed and unwound to produce silk thread. Forced labor in cocoon production predominantly occurs among farmers in the south of the country, although evidence suggests that other rural families are also subjected to forced labor in this sector. Based on estimates from the Uzbek-German Forum, a majority of the over 45,000 farmers in Uzbekistan who produce silk cocoons each year do not have the freedom to refuse this work; they are compelled to perform it by government officials. Regional- and district-level officials assign each farmer a quota for the production of silk cocoons, and threaten farmers with fines, the loss of their leased farmland, or physical violence if they fail to meet the quota. Farmers are required to sell their silk cocoons back to the government at an official procurement price, which can be too low to offset the cost of cultivating the cocoons, and often experience underpayment, delayed payment, or receive no payment at all. Regional- and district-level governments also impose quotas on neighborhood councils called mahallas, which use their authority over distribution of social benefit payments to force neighborhood residents to cultivate silk cocoons. Because silkworms require constant attention and the maintenance of a carefully controlled environment in order to survive, farmers and rural families often cultivate cocoons in several rooms of their own homes and many work more than 20 hours a day during the approximately month-long cultivation period.

There are reports that adults are forced to work in the production of squid on China’s distant water fishing fleet and in squid processing in China’s Shandong Province. China’s fishing fleet is the largest in the world, including more than 500 squid jiggers, operating on the high seas and in foreign countries’ exclusive
economic zones. There are over 10,000 workers on Chinese squid jiggers, and reports indicate that a high percentage of them are in forced labor. The crew typically spends over a year, and sometimes up to 3 years, at sea without stopping at a port of call and have limited ability to communicate with the outside world. Employers take advantage of the vulnerability of the workers, many of whom are migrants from Southeast Asia. Many have been subjects of deceptive recruitment, identity documents are often confiscated, and reports indicate that workers are often prevented from leaving the vessel or ending their contracts. Workers are subjected to abusive working and living conditions, including inadequate nutrition and potable water. Some workers have died due to preventable and easily treated medical conditions, such as beriberi, a vitamin deficiency. Workers are subjected to excessive hours, physical violence, verbal abuse, threats and intimidation, and withheld wages. Some workers are subjected to debt bondage or are unable to leave due to large penalties for ending contracts early. Workers are also subjected to forced labor in squid processing facilities in mainland China as a result of state sponsored labor transfer programs. Since 2020, more than 1,000 Uyghurs and members of other persecuted ethnic minority groups from China’s Xinjiang Province have been transferred to work in squid processing facilities, primarily in Shandong Province. Furthermore, workers from North Korea have also been transferred to work at squid processing facilities. Squid processing companies and government entities frequently engage in coercive recruitment, limit workers’ freedom of movement and communication, and subjected workers to constant surveillance.

There are reports that children in India are forced to quarry stones. These children work in stone quarries, mines, and crushers under conditions of bonded labor. According to an assessment by the ILO, as many as 500,000 stone quarry workers, including entire families, in Tamil Nadu were bonded laborers. Families receive an advance payment and become bonded for generations to pay off the debt. Some children are used as a guarantee for the loan and are forced to work to pay it off. Some children inherit the debt of their parents and may be bought and sold between contractors. Children of scheduled castes, a socially disadvantaged class in India, and migrant children, are particularly vulnerable. The children live at the worksite and face isolation and restrictions on their movement. Some children are forced to work under threat of financial penalties or physical violence, receive little pay, and are denied wages. 

There are reports that children as young as age five are forced to quarry stones in Nepal. An NGO report and the media indicate that these children work as bonded laborers, often working alongside their parents and other family members in quarries and riverbeds across the country. Families borrow money and are paid too little to escape their debt, remaining in debt bondage. Some children, usually with their families, live at the worksite where they are watched by guards and forbidden from leaving. The children are often forced to perform hazardous work, including carrying heavy loads. Employers threaten to withhold food from the workers, including children. Some children experience physical violence by their employers.

There are reports that children are forced to produce sugarcane in Bolivia. Based on the most recently available data from the ILO, it is estimated that almost a quarter of the migrants working in the sugarcane harvest are children under age 14, of which many are working in conditions of forced labor Many children work with their families under conditions of bonded labor. Entire families, including children, live in accommodations provided by the employer; this dependence on the employer increases their vulnerability to forced labor. The families receive little payment if any, and lodging and food expenses are deducted from their paychecks. Some children inherit the debt of their parents if their parents pass away or stop working, and remain bonded and able to be sold to a different employer. 

There is evidence that children ages 14 to 17 cultivate sugarcane in Brazil. Brazilian law prohibits all children under age 18 from producing sugarcane. Based on an analysis of the Government of Brazil’s 2015 National Household Survey, an estimated 5,503 child laborers cultivate sugarcane. Individuals, including children, who work in sugarcane production are exposed to long hours and high temperatures, and lack protective equipment. The release of this survey demonstrates the Government of Brazil’s commitment to addressing child labor and its acknowledgement that data collection is vital to the design and implementation of sound policies and programs. 

There are reports that children are forced to work in the production of sugarcane in Burma. Forced child labor is found in the Thaton District, and particularly in areas near military camps. An NGO study documents villagers, including children, mobilized by the dozens each day from multiple villages to work during labor intensive times of the sugarcane production. The children are forced to cut trees and dig out the stumps to prepare the fields, plant the sugarcane, then mill and boil the sugarcane after it is harvested. They are not paid for their work. 

There are reports that adults are forced to work in the harvesting and production of sugarcane in the Dominican Republic. These adults, the majority of whom are undocumented or stateless, are predominantly of Haitian origin or descent. Reports from civil society organizations, news media, worker interviews, field research, and other sources indicate the existence of the following forced labor indicators in the sugarcane sector: withholding of wages, abusive working and living conditions, excessive overtime, isolation and restriction of movement, and deceptive recruitment practices. For some workers, a precarious legal status and lack of identity documents limit their movement and have led to isolation and fears of reprisal, denouncement to authorities, loss of company-provided housing and deportation for complaining about unlawful labor conditions. In addition, illiteracy, low levels of education, and language barriers can impede their understanding and exercising of labor rights, thus increasing their vulnerability to labor exploitation.
 
There are reports of children working in the harvesting and production of sugarcane in the Dominican Republic. Most of these children are of Haitian origin or descent and are undocumented or stateless. National law prohibits all children under age 18 from working in the production and harvesting of sugarcane. Individuals, including children, who work in sugarcane production are exposed to high temperatures and lack protective equipment.  The ILO has found that generally, children who work in agriculture may be at risk of exposure to hazards including working long hours, carrying heavy loads, using dangerous tools, exposure to the elements, physical injuries, and chemicals, such as pesticides.  Reports indicate that some of the children working are accompanying their parents into the sugarcane fields. Children primarily work in the planting of sugarcane and in the watering, fertilizing, and fumigation of the fields. There are also reports of children working in the cutting and collection of sugarcane.

Research found that sugarcane in India, especially sugarcane harvested in Maharashtra, is harvested using forced labor of adults. Workers in the sugarcane fields face excessive and involuntary overtime, severe and unexplained wage deductions, and degrading living conditions. They are commonly recruited against a debt, often resulting often in debt bondage. Women are frequently pressured into receiving unnecessary hysterectomies to avoid taking leave and missing harvesting quotas.

There are reports that children ages 5-17 are forced to work in the production of coltan, or tantalum ore, in some mines in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Reports from the U.S. Department of State and NGOs state that many children have been identified working in conditions of forced labor in the mines in Eastern Congo, particularly in North and South Kivu. Some children are forced to work at the mines with their families in situations of bonded labor, while other children are sent away to the mines by their parents to pay off the family's debt. These children are paid little, if at all. In addition, many mines are controlled by military officers or armed groups, which are known to round up villagers, including children, at gunpoint and force them to work with threats of violence. These forcibly-recruited children do not have freedom of movement and do not receive payment for their work. 

There are reports that men and women working in the production of tea are subjected to forced and bonded labor in India. Evidence of forced and bonded labor has been found in the Assam state. Workers experience non-payment and under payment of wages and withholding of benefits, as well as threats of the same. In addition, sources indicate that workers are not provided access to adequate housing, basic healthcare, and water. While employers are legally required to provide food and medical care, workers are not provided with these services and must borrow money from their employer at high interest rates; workers are also sometimes charged for services they do not receive. This has led to conditions of debt bondage. A smaller number of workers are subjected to forced labor through physical and sexual violence, verbal abuse, and threats of violence and dismissal.

There are reports that children are forced to work in the production of teak in Burma. Forced child labor is found on teak plantations in the Thaton District, and particularly in areas near military camps. An NGO study reports that villagers, including children, from multiple villages are regularly mobilized by the military for forced labor to cultivate teak and other crops. The forced laborers are not paid for their work. 

ILAB has reason to believe that cotton thread/ yarn, cotton textiles, and cotton garments produced in China are made with an input produced with forced labor—specifically cotton harvested in China. Cotton from China is on ILAB’s List of Goods Produced by Child Labor or Forced Labor for forced labor, child labor, and forced child labor. About 85% of China’s cotton and 20% of the world’s cotton is produced in the XUAR, where research has shown it is harvested and processed under conditions of forced labor. In China, this cotton is spun into cotton thread/yarn and textiles and may be mixed with cotton from other sources. Manufacturers in China source large volumes of cotton fabrics containing Xinjiang origin cotton to produce finished garments. It is likely that products of Xinjiang-origin cotton produced further downstream, such as garments, textiles, and other cotton-based products, may be produced with an input produced with forced labor.

There are reports that children, mostly boys as young as seven years old, produce woven textiles under conditions of forced labor in Ethiopia. These children typically work in Addis Ababa, however many come from the south, including Gamo Gofa and Wolaita zones, some of them as victims of trafficking. The trafficked children are often sold to recruiters, and the parents and children are deceived with false promises about the wages and opportunities for education while working. Some of the children sleep at the worksites, held in captivity and isolation, and are not provided with sufficient food. They are punished with physical abuse. Some children are forced to work long hours and overtime, and receive little, if any, pay. 

ILAB has reason to believe that cotton thread/ yarn, cotton textiles, and cotton garments produced in China are made with an input produced with forced labor—specifically cotton harvested in China. Cotton from China is on ILAB’s List of Goods Produced by Child Labor or Forced Labor for forced labor, child labor, and forced child labor. About 85% of China’s cotton and 20% of the world’s cotton is produced in the XUAR, where research has shown it is harvested and processed under conditions of forced labor. In China, this cotton is spun into cotton thread/yarn and textiles and may be mixed with cotton from other sources. Manufacturers in China source large volumes of cotton fabrics containing Xinjiang origin cotton to produce finished garments. It is likely that products of Xinjiang-origin cotton produced further downstream, such as garments, textiles, and other cotton-based products, may be produced with an input produced with forced labor.

There are reports that forced labor conditions are prevalent among workers in the thread and yarn sector in India. In particular, workers in spinning mills in the state of Tamil Nadu are often recruited using deception about working conditions and wages. Sources indicate conditions of excessive and involuntary overtime, debt bondage, withholding of identity records, and restrictions on free movement of workers.

There are reports that children ages 5-17 in Ghana are forced to work in the fishing industry, assisting primarily in the catching of tilapia, but also of such fish as mudfish, silverfish, catfish, latefish, and electric fish. According to the most recently available data from universities, NGOs, government raids, and international organizations, hundreds of children in the Lake Volta region have been rescued from the fishing industry, in which they were forced to undertake such tasks as diving to untangle fishing nets from underwater tree stumps. Children are often trafficked from the Volta, Central, Eastern, or Ashanti regions to Tato and other Lake Volta communities to work. Some of the children forced to work in the fishing industry are working in bonded labor after being sold or sent by their parents under a one- to three-year contract, for which the parents are promised payment on agreed-upon intervals. The children frequently are paid little, if at all, and are forced to work long hours. The children forced to work in the fishing industry often live with their employers, where they face physical violence and are not provided with sufficient food. 

There are reports that adults are forced to produce timber in Russia. Adults from North Korea are sent to Russia to produce timber by the North Korean government. According to media reports, approximately 2,000 North Koreans produce timber in Russia. A South Korean NGO reports that North Korean workers in the forestry sector work from 12 to 18 hours a day under growing debts incurred to pay bribes during the selection process. Many workers in the sector are isolated in remote, prison-like logging camps in the far east of the country. An NGO reports that workers are forced to remit 80 percent of their wages to the North Korean government in addition to paying for room and board, and are allowed to keep only $30 to $50 per month, far below the minimum wage. In compliance with UN Security Council Resolution 2397, Russia announced its intention in 2017 to cease issuing or renewing work visas for North Korean workers. 

There are reports that children ages 5-17 are forced to work in the production of cassiterite, or tin ore, in some mines in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Reports from NGOs and the U.S. Department of State indicate that many children have been identified working in conditions of forced labor in the mines in Eastern Congo, particularly in North and South Kivu. Some children are forced to work at the mines with their families in situations of bonded labor, while other children are sent away to the mines by their parents to pay off the family's debt. These children are paid little, if at all. In addition, many mines are controlled by military officers or armed groups, which are known to round up villagers, including children, at gunpoint and force them to work with threats of violence. These forcibly-recruited children do not have freedom of movement and do not receive payment for their work. 

There are reports that children in Malawi are forced to work producing tobacco. Tobacco estates are concentrated in the Mzimba, Kasungu, Mchinji and Mzimba districts. According to the most recently available data from the ILO and NGOs, over 70,000 children work on tobacco plantations, some of them under conditions of bonded labor. Families working on tobacco estates sometimes become bonded to their landlords, and their children are forced to work to repay their family debts. Landlords charge these tenant workers for costs such as rent, fertilizer, and seeds; these costs often exceed the profit earned from the tobacco harvest and result in debt for the worker and his or her family. Some children are also hired under deceptive terms of work and promised payment, and then are paid little, if at all, at the end of the season. Some children are forced to work long hours, including overtime, and are forced to perform dangerous tasks, such as carrying heavy loads and using pesticides. In addition, certain children work under threats and penalties including physical, verbal, and sexual abuse, and do not receive food or pay. 

There are reports that adults are forced to produce tomato products in China.  Xinjiang is a major producer of tomato products, especially tomato paste.  Victim testimonies, news media, and think tanks report that factories, including for tomato products, frequently engage in coercive recruitment; limit workers’ freedom of movement and communication; and subject workers to constant surveillance, retribution for religious beliefs, exclusion from community and social life, and isolation.  More broadly, according to varied estimates, at least 100,000 to hundreds of thousands of Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslim minorities are being subjected to forced labor in China following detention in re-education camps.  In addition to this, poor workers in rural areas may also experience coercion without detention.

There are reports that men and women are forced to work in the production of tomatoes in Mexico. According to media reports, NGOs, and the U.S. Department of State, there are hundreds of forced labor victims working to produce tomatoes. Many of these victims report being recruited by middlemen, called enganchadores, that lie to workers about the nature and conditions of the work, wages, hours, and quality of living conditions. Sources report that cases of forced labor occur on both commercial tomato plantations and smallholder farms, and have been found in states such as Baja California, Coahuila, Jalisco, San Luis Potosi, and Sinaloa. According to available reports, indigenous farmworkers from impoverished regions of central and southern Mexico are particularly vulnerable to forced labor in the agricultural sector due to low education levels, linguistic barriers, and discrimination. Once on the farms, some men and women work up to 15 hours per day under the threat of dismissal and receive subminimum wage payments. There are reports of some workers being threatened with physical violence or physically abused for leaving their jobs. Workers also report finding themselves in overcrowded and unsanitary housing facilities with no access to potable water, latrines, electricity, and medical care. Some workers face growing indebtedness to company stores that often inflate the prices of their goods, forcing workers to purchase provisions on credit and limiting their ability to leave the farms. 

There are reports that children, mostly ages 13-16, are forced to produce toys in China. The most recently available data from an NGO study indicates that hundreds of children are exploited in this manner. Reports indicate children from Sichuan, Guangxi, and other provinces are sent to work primarily in Guangdong to make toys. Some of these children are trafficked after being recruited through deceptive promises, and others are forced to work by teachers through work-study programs. Children of the Yi ethnic minority in Liangshan prefecture of Sichuan are particularly vulnerable. The children report being forced to work long hours under threat of financial penalty and being fined for any mistakes in their work. Some children state that teachers withhold wages for “tuition” and management fees. In addition, employers withhold wages for months to prevent children from leaving. 

There are reports that children ages 5-17 are forced to work in the production of wolframite, or tungsten ore, in some mines in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Based on estimates from NGOs and the U.S. Department of State, hundreds of children are working in conditions of forced labor in the mines in Eastern Congo, particularly in North and South Kivu. Some children are forced to work at the mines with their families in situations of bonded labor, while other children are sent away to the mines by their parents to pay off the family's debt. These children are paid little, if at all. In addition, many mines are controlled by military officers or armed groups, which are known to round up villagers, including children, at gunpoint and force them to work with threats of violence. These forcibly-recruited children do not have freedom of movement and do not receive payment for their work.